Journal Entry #10, June 28, 2020

Admiring my garden this afternoon through the picture windows in my bedroom. I use the phrase “my garden” with expansive poetic license. Yes, there are many beautiful and useful plants in my yard, but I had absolutely no hand — or thumb — in their cultivation. Nonetheless, I own the place and direct the staff (my kids, if they’re home and my wife is out of earshot), so it is my garden in a strictly legal sense.

In the distance are blackberry (or black raspberry) bushes that will soon fruit. We have netting to cover them, so we can avoid sating bird appetites in preference to sating ours. We do otherwise feed the birds (and, inevitably, the squirrels), so they aren’t without recourse — to say nothing of the abundance of insects and seeds at this time of year — but I haven’t asked any tweeters how they feel about the “no blackberries for birdies rule.” I suspect they will object and I’ll be the fall guy, because it’s convenient to blame the guy who gets winded saying “hello” and therefore can’t adequately defend himself verbally against the harsh judgement of a tree full of vocally adept birds.

The tree in the center is a cherry tree. It blossomed white a month ago, but I’m not sure if we’re actually getting cherries or if it’s just ornamental. I could ask the birds, some of whom I presume were here last summer, but they read the previous paragraph and so they aren’t chirping to me.

The tree on the right is a crab apple, and on the left is a birch. The crab apple has an interesting, twisting trunk that writhes into three main branches, and there is a large scar at its base. It looks ancient, like an olive tree in Greece. I suspect it had a stressful childhood, from which it never recovered; it’s the tree version of Edvard Munch’s The Scream (Norwegian Skrik); in German, Mr. Munch titled his painting Der Schrei der Natur, The Scream of Nature.

There is much to think about when I contemplate the crab apple tree.

I like birch trees. There were none natively where I grew up — in Wisconsin, they’re plentiful, in Texas, not so much. Many of the stories about the “settling” of America by Europeans seemed to revolve around birch bark canoes, and when I was nine or ten years old, I longed for one. I didn’t really know what “birch bark” was, but it sounded interesting. Everyone who was anyone had a birch bark canoe: Stately Native People crossing a lake, a frazzled French-Canadian voyageur struggling to remain upright and furs dry as he shoots a rapid. Now I have a birch tree in my backyard, and once upon a time I owned a canoe, but I’ve still not managed to own a birch bark canoe. I no longer consider this a serious deprivation, although my “failure to own” does put me on the wrong side of the cool kid “Everyone who was anyone” dividing line.

Beneath the birch are evening primroses, hostas, “Empress Wu” hosta hybrids, coral bells, and Christmas ferns. Early the spring, daffodils and forsythia bloomed.

Hostas, I’ve recently discovered, are edible. I wish I had known that when I did the gardening — it would have saved me a trip into the house. I haven’t told my staff the plant is edible, fearing their ravenous appetites. Plus, the dog is occasionally seized by an obscure enthusiasm and rolls around in them, and I suspect dog hair isn’t edible.

Just out of the picture, a begonia is peeking up through the soil in a white hanging planter, and three nearby geraniums are recuperating. The four plants should have been carried inside, but were not, so they’re struggling to recover from the winter. Nonetheless, one of the geraniums is in bloom (red) and another has buds (white). Geraniums are my favorite flower, so I’m … rooting for them. (My favorite plants are ferns, so I’m happy there are so many of them in the various garden beds around the yard.)

These are our raised vegetable beds. Because of the (always time-consuming) Spring move from Madison to Appleton, we planted only a few obvious low maintenance seeds, but they’re doing well. As the saying goes, “Next year, we will …” The raised bed on the far right has perennial herbs and a rhubarb plant (there is another rhubarb beneath the window).

In my decrepitude, I have a personal raised bed. The mattress, on a special frame and box springs, is four feet above the floor. I do a little hop to sit on the ultra-soft mattress (which I quite like!). Once astride and athwart, I can raise my head, raise my feet, and get a massage (sequenced vibrations running up and down the bed or targeted thumps to various body parts). I have a multi-button control panel (call me the Gizmo Kid, because I also have separate controls for the lights, fan, and air conditioner) for these operations that reminds me of the controls of an F-16 fighter I once saw in the toy section of Walmart. If I pressed the buttons in the correct sequence, the fighter dashed around the aisle impressively flashing lights at the enemy (no, my wife was not present). Come to think of it, that’s more like our latest multi-billion dollar technological wonder, the F-35, which the U.S. Air Force has yet to deploy in combat. My bed is a terrible masseuse, and the F-35 is a terrible plane: the latest advisory is for pilots to avoid thunderstorms by at least 25 miles or Bad Things will happen. (Note: The staff have not yet filled my bookcase, the edge of which is visible in the photograph. I’m regularly assured it will be filled “any day now.”)

This is a picture of promiscuity. It’s what happens when asparagus goes “Girl’s Gone Wild!” We did eat some, but we weren’t fast enough (I am, of course, referring to asparagus). There was a time in my life when I would have appreciated a little promiscuity, but now I’m just happy the asparagus is fern-like.

Speaking of promiscuous, there is something hidden in this picture.

Yes, and your point?

Yes, and your point?

Mr. O’Reilly’s tweet does bring up a real issue, though. I have no problem reading, say, the Declaration of Independence and accepting it as a call to freedom while at the same time rejecting hero worship of the founders. The ideas are valuable, but the people are demonstrably no more worthy of emulation that I am. Why do we need hero worship anyway?

I can also value the Bill of Rights while recognizing the government structure established by the Constitution in the 18th century was not just a compromise, but a cynical compromise to protect wealth and enslave people. I can accept the good ideas while rejecting the bad structure.

Two things can be true at the same time, and we can reject one while keeping the other. We can accept the Sermon on the Mount while rejecting the legions of Christians (and Christian institutions) who are anything but Christ-like. It was fashionable for a while to ask, WWJD? Well, rage against most Christians and Christian institutions is my best guess.

The only people who, like Bill O’Reilly, believe there are rules about any of this — that one thing (the Bill of Rights) requires another (hero worship of the founders or acceptance of the government) — are simply betraying their own intellectual and emotional weaknesses.

They are attempting to preserve their position (usually White, male, and Christian) in the status quo by borrowing strength from an imposed 18th century hierarchy.

The worst of them are every bit as cynical as 18th century slaveholders. Modern rightists want to destroy government functions for the majority of citizens while at the same time using the power of government to protect their wealth. Funny how that works, isn’t it?

Rant

This is an angry rant, so if you’ve exceeded your Official Facebook Daily Angry Rant Limit, skip this post. Sometimes the dam just breaks.


The letter below was written by a Command Sergeant Major, the Senior Enlisted person on an army installation. The installation he’s referring to is about 45 minutes from where I live.

He’s writing about the “Middle America” everyone is so concerned about. “How is Middle America doing?” pundits ask breathlessly each time Mr. Trump does or doesn’t do something. “What do the polls say about Middle America?” politicians ask their staffs. These are the people the Democratic Party believes it needs to defeat Mr. Trump. In fact, if Mr. Trump wasn’t in the race, these are the people who could easily vote for Mr. Biden, given his less-than-stellar record on racial issues.

I’m certain similar people live in my town and probably in yours, but these are not people with whom I willingly associate. These are people who treat soldiers – who will risk their lives for them – disrespectfully based on the color of their skin.

This why Black Americans have risen up in anger. This is why I’m not going to condemn protesters for a few burned businesses. If your humanity is denied, repeatedly, without repercussions, a torched Target is nothing. If half of America believes the statues of slaveholders and traitors are more important than Black lives, a burned-out police car is trivial. If you’re not allowed to participate fully in the economic and political life of the country, you’re not going to shed a tear over some broken windows. And neither will I.

I served in the military for nearly 10 years, then I served the people in the military for many more years as a staffer for the American Red Cross. I am radically anti-war, but I’m not anti-military personnel. They are overwhelmingly young men and women, many of them People of Color, who joined the military for economic or educational reasons, because our society did not value them enough to provide other opportunities – except prison for Black men.

So if this is Middle America, and I suspect it is, Middle America is the enemy. There will be no “Let’s figure out a way to talk nice to them so they’ll understand.” They know exactly what they’re doing, and they do it gleefully and with abandon.

I don’t have that many years left in my life, but my goal is to work to ensure people like them never wield economic or political power at any level. I’m sick of them. They cannot go unchallenged. They cannot be assumed to represent America any longer.They are not patriots, they’re cowards. And so are the politicians that seek their support.

  • Note: I’ve removed some identifying information from the letter, but people who live in Wisconsin won’t be fooled. Be that as it may, this isn’t a problem unique to Wisconsin.
  • A small, but I think important, thing we can all do: Whenever possible, write or speak of Black Americans. This is to remind White people that Black people are, in fact, Americans. Black people arrived here, against their will, in 1619. The ancestors of Black Americans have been in this country longer than the ancestors of most White Americans, who didn’t’ arrive until the 19th century.

Today was one of the worst days I’ve ever had in the Army in almost 24 years. Today I sat down with my entire Battalion to discuss the current issues we are facing as a nation. I wasn’t prepared.

Fort M. is in a very rural Wisconsin community. Very rural. It is nestled in between two towns, and each town has a population under 10,000, and the demographics are not diverse. Both towns are situated in the poorest county in the state, and we are 45 minutes to an hour away from the next biggest town. It’s not a bad place to be stationed if you like peace and quiet, small town living, and you aren’t black or brown.

I had asked my Commander earlier in the week to talk to the Battalion because I’ve been bothered for a bit now about how things are going in the country. I have several people in my life who I talk to on a regular basis. People who I genuinely care for, and people I tremendously respect. Over the last two weeks I’ve heard, “Rich, that could have been my son.” “Rich, I just tell my kids all they need to do is get home safe.” “Rich, I’m scared to let my kids out of the house.” I have two boys and the thought of people I care about living their lives like that breaks my heart.

Today I wanted my Battalion to know that while I can’t view the world through their eyes, I don’t live their lives, and while I can’t walk in their shoes everyday, I recognized there is a problem, and I would be there to listen to them and help where ever I could. And that’s how I lead-off the discussion. What I got back gutted me.

I sat in front of a room full of people who are like family to me. I would do anything for them. By the very nature of my profession, I would give my life for them. I’ve been their Command Sergeant Major for over two years now. These are people I see everyday. I had no idea that I have Soldiers who wear their uniforms to grocery shop because they are scared of how they are treated in Walmart when they don’t. I had no idea that I have Soldiers who’s kids regularly come home from school crying because another kid called them the N-word…again.

I had no idea that I had a Soldier who had to take their child out of school because they were being so tormented over the color of their skin. I had no idea I had a Soldier who’s wife was turned down for a job at a local bank because, “We don’t hire your type in this town.” I had no idea that a few weeks ago one of my Soldiers, who is one of the most kind and gentle women I know, was told to “Get out of the crosswalk, N-word” as she was out for her evening walk.

I had no idea that I had Soldiers who felt like this is the worst place they had ever been stationed in the Army. Not because of the unit, but because of the racism in the surrounding area.

I had no idea.I spent two-and-half-hours listening to them, letting them vent their fears and frustrations, and crying with them. I’m still a wreck three hours later. I’m not able to type this without choking up.

These aren’t towns I want to live in. This isn’t the America that I want to live in. Something needs to change. Something needs to drastically change.

Where do you begin? How do you change an entire community? How do you get so many people to try and see life through the eyes of another person so that they understand how unfair and unjust the system really is? I don’t know. All I know is I’m going to do my best to figure it out with them, and hopefully I can make a small yet positive difference in their lives. Hopefully.

Fair Labor Act, 1938

Today in History

From Bread and Roses

On June 25, 1938, President Franklin D. Roosevelt signed the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA) into law. The FLSA applied to industries whose combined employment represented only about one-fifth of the labor force. In these industries, it banned certain types of child labor, established a minimum wage, and set a maximum workweek at 44 hours.

Journal Entry #8, June 17, 2020

𝘋𝘺𝘴𝘵𝘰𝘱𝘪𝘢𝘯 𝘍𝘳𝘢𝘨𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵 1

I was driving down an old black-topped road, the kind that has turned gray with heat and age, when I saw a man in front of a boarded-up gas station waving at me with a brown plastic bag in each hand, the kind of bags that have been banned for at least 25 years. He was standing next to an older, gas-powered car, so I pulled over, assuming he’d run out of gas.

I slid down the passenger-side window of my car as he walked over. He was of medium height, perhaps slightly overweight, with black hair slick with sweat. He was dressed in a business suit that had seen better days, and which must have been uncomfortable in the late afternoon heat.

“Having trouble?” I asked, as he leaned into the car.

“Yes,” he said. “I’m glad to see you. I’ve been waiting for someone to come along for the better part of two hours.”

“What’s the issue?” I responded. “Do you need to get somewhere?”

“Yep,” he said, pulling his head out of the window and looking back at the ramshackle building. “I need to get anywhere but here.”

“Okay…” His answer left me wondering what to say. I was expecting “I need gas” or “I have a flat tire.” “Anywhere but here” sounded more ominous. Rather than answering, I looked toward his car.

We were both quiet for a long minute.

Finally, he said, “Nothing’s wrong with the car.”

“Okay.” Again, I didn’t know what else to say.

He held up the two plastic bags. “It’s these.”

Another silence.

“What’s in them?” I asked.

He shook the one in his right hand. “This one has answers.” He shook the other bag. “This one has questions.”

“What kind of questions and answers?” This guy was a little off, it seemed to me.

“All kinds,” he said. “And I don’t like it.”

When I asked him why, he said, “For every hundred answers. there are a thousand questions. Or something like that number.”

“Really?” I asked. “How does that happen?”

“Dunno,” he said. He seemed to be sulking. “A friend told me I could come here to get a question answered, so I did.”

“And?” Another question, but it’s all I could think of to say.

“I’m not gonna’ be friends with him anymore.”

“Oh,” I said.

“I came here with one question.” He was looking at the ground now.

I was going to ask him what the question was but thought better of it. “Did you get your question answered?”

“Yes, my question was answered, but the answer wasn’t what I expected,” he said.

“That does happen sometimes,” I ventured.

“Not in my life. Not in the lives of most of the people I know. I don’t have very many questions, and I usually know what type of answer I’m looking for.”

“I see. Well, that hasn’t always been my experience,” I said.

He looked up from the ground and peered into the car. “Yeah, you look like one of those types.”

“I’m sorry. What type?” I suspected that I did know the answer to that question.

“You know very well what type,” he said. “You look like the condescending type, the type that screwed everything up.”

He looked defiant and fearful at the same time.

“Whatever type I am, I doubt ‘my type’ screwed things up, because I’m not in charge of anything.”

“I thought so!” He sounded angry. “I saw the books on the seat.”

There were two books on the passenger seat, both novels.

Another long minute of silence.

“So,” I finally asked, “why did you wave for me to stop?”

“So I could leave,” he said. “I couldn’t leave until some else took responsibility.”

“Responsibility for what?” I asked. This man was getting annoying.

“For this.” He held up the plastic bag full of what he said were questions. “And that.” He gestured in the general direction of the boarded-up gas station.

“Well, I still don’t understand,” I said. “You want me to take responsibility for a bag?”

“Listen,” he said. “I came up here — against my better judgement, mind you, because I usually know what answer I’m looking for, but I was having a little trouble — but I came up here on the advice of my friend to get a question answered.”

“Yes, and you said your question was answered,” I reminded him, “so what’s the problem?”

“I got an answer that wasn’t the answer I thought I was looking for, which was bad enough.” He paused to swipe his coat sleeve across his sweaty face. “But then 99 other answers, answers to questions I didn’t ask and don’t want to ask, popped out.” His was breathing rapidly, emitting faint high-pitched squeals. “And then, after the answers, a thousand questions popped out!”

“What do you mean when you say, ‘they popped out’?” He looked pale, and I could see that his hands were shaking.

“I tried to feed the answers back in,” he said, “but that just made more questions come out. Over and over. The answers and the questions just wouldn’t stop. I had to walk away.” He was rocking from side to side.

“Where do they pop out from?” I asked again.

“Over there,” he pointed. “That machine.”

I looked in the direction he was pointing. Against the front wall of the dilapidated building was a tall, rectangular metal box.

“That looks like a cold drink dispenser,” I said.

“It is.” He looked at the ground again. “Oh, you can get a Coke, if that’s what you want, but there’s also a slot for your question.”

“The Coke machine answers your question?”

“Yes, just like my friend said, although he also said he’d never been here before.” He paused, then added. “That’s probably true, because he’s definitely not the question type.”

“Then how did he know?” I asked.

“Claimed his father told him about it. And no, I don’t know how his father knew, because I didn’t ask. Family legend or something, I suppose.”

“Do you live around here?” I asked.

“Nope. I live in the city.” He replied.

“The city” probably meant Las Vegas, which was at least 75 miles away. “How did he know about a Coke machine … Oh, right, never mind.”

I tried a new tack. “What, exactly, are you responsible for?”

“Oh, somebody’s always responsible, but not my type.” He stuck his head back into my car and looked at the books. “Your type is.”

I wasn’t sure if there was anything else to say. I certainly wasn’t going to take responsibility for a Coke machine.

“Anyway,” the man said, “you can have these.” He thrust one of the bags into my car, dropping it on the seat. “Because I can leave now.” He turned and began walking away.

“Wait!” I yelled after him. “What am I supposed to do?”

The man stopped. “Dunno. I gave you the bag with the questions.” He held up the other bag. “I’m keeping the answers.” He started walking again, then stopped. “I guess you could feed the questions into the machine, but good luck with that.”

I heard him laugh, then talk, apparently to himself, because I couldn’t hear what he said. He stopped at the driver’s side door of his car, looked at the Coke machine, then looked at me. He shook his head, his lips moving rhythmically, as if he were reciting something. Then he opened the door, got in, and drove away.

With the answers.

Susan B. Anthony Convicted

Today in History

Susan B. Anthony Convicted for Voting

On June 18, 1873, women’s rights advocate Susan B. Anthony was convicted for casting an illegal ballot in the 1872 presidential election.

Women weren’t allowed to vote then, and wouldn’t be allowed for another forty-seven years.

The judge fined Anthony $100. Anthony told him, “I shall never pay a dollar of your unjust penalty.”

She died in 1906, without ever legally voting – but also without paying one penny of the fine.


White suffragettes, although initially supportive of Black women in the movement, set aside Black women’s concerns after the passage of the 15th Amendment, which gave Black men the right to vote. 

Many Southern women were outraged by that amendment, and White Northern women, in an effort to maintain White Southern support, quietly ceased including demands for Black women in their proposals and actions


Further reading:

Eugene V. Deb’s appreciation of her work:  https://archive.org/details/170700DebsSusanbanthony

The trial:  https://www.fjc.gov/sites/default/files/trials/susanbanthony.pdf

The vote: https://www.nytimes.com/1918/09/26/archives/senators-to-vote-on-suffrage-today-fate-of-susan-b-anthony.html

Anthony’s death:  https://www.nytimes.com/1906/03/13/archives/miss-susan-b-anthony-died-this-morning-end-came-to-the-famous-woman.html

Further reading on race:

Monee Fields-White, “The Root: How Racism Tainted Women’s Suffrage” (https://www.npr.org/2011/03/25/134849480/the-root-how-racism-tainted-womens-suffrage)

Angela Y. Davis, Women, Race & Class (https://legalform.files.wordpress.com/2017/08/davis-women-race-class.pdf)

Mr. Trump’s Ax Handle

Lest we think Mr. Trump learned his lesson after retreating from holding a campaign rally in Tulsa, Oklahoma on the anniversary of the Tulsa Race Massacre, he’s decided to deliver his acceptance speech in Jacksonville, Florida on August 27th.

That’s the day in 1960 known as “Ax Handle Saturday,’ when White men with ax handles and baseball bats, supported by police, rioted and attacked peaceful demonstrators at a sit-in at a segregated lunch counter.

More at First Coast News.

A Leftist View of the Uprising

The interview with Jordan Camp in “Urban Rebellions Then and Now,” begins with the assertions that “the masses no longer believe what they once believed” and that elites have “lost their legitimacy,” surviving only by the use of force.

I’m not certain the “masses,” beyond youth, are now ready for rebellion, nor do I think the elite class has completely lost its legitimacy, but I sense both statements have the possibility of becoming true.
*
In the interview, Mr. Camp recognizes, as historian Dr. Heather Ann Richardson does in How the South Won the Civil War: Oligarchy, Democracy, and the Continuing Fight for the Soul of America, that the battle is against an oligarchy, but Mr. Camp generalizes the oligarchy to the ruling elites of contemporary America, while Dr. Richardson limits her analysis to the American South.

Dr. Richardson also implicitly recognizes class, but Mr. Camp uses class as a central component of his argument. And he incorporates race in ways many on the left do not; as Bernie Sanders’ recent campaign illustrates, class, not race, is the typical focus of the left.

Mr. Camp, however, combines race and class into a powerful tool of analysis that is found primarily among certain Black activists, those within the tradition of W.E.B Dubois and Malcolm X, and which is represented in contemporary America by Angela Davis and the writers at the Hampton Institute.
*
The current uprising has begun to chip away at the Pillars of Support for existing systems of power. Those pillars (popularized by the Serbian Otpor! movement) include:

1. Police
2. Military
3. The Education System
4. Public Officials and Workers
5. Religious Institutions
6. Business Institutions and Labor Unions

The current rising has eroded each of these pillars, breaking away people from the institutions of elite power (repression).

Antonio Gramsci’s “cultural hegemony” is important for understanding how elites may be defeated in our present environment. The cultural hegemony established by elites must be rejected by the “masses” for a rebellion is to be successful.

This includes a range of beliefs about who wields legitimate power, who receives the rewards of the economic system, and what the aims of government should be. The “morbid symptoms” (Gramsci’s phrase) of capitalism are laid bare by grotesque inequality, skyrocketing unemployment, and the failure of the market system to prepare for, or respond to, the COVID-19 pandemic.
*
The Poor People’s Campaign, led by the Rev. Dr. William Barber II and the Rev. Dr. Liz Theoharis, is a revival of the moral battle for justice led by Martin Luther King Jr. The Poor People’s Campaign has the moral power and organizational coherence to strip away the pretenses of the political and economic elites. Black Lives Matter and other groups, including veterans, labor unions, and socialists, have the willingness to confront power in the streets. Each time these groups are repressed by the police, the elites lose legitimacy.
*
For additional perspective, it’s also useful to read Waging Nonviolence’s analysis of the successes of the rising.
***
From the interview:

“The current moment we’re living through is what the Italian Marxist theorist Antonio Gramsci referred to as a “crisis of legitimacy,” or a “crisis of authority.” The ruling class has lost its consensus; it’s no longer “leading” but [it is still] “dominant, exercising coercive force alone.” This means that the masses have become detached from their traditional ideologies; they no longer believe what they used to.

“There are certain moments when struggle intensifies, when the legitimacy crisis deepens, and previously separate forces merge. These moments are very unpredictable. In my judgment they offer a unique opportunity to understand the structure of the economic system that we live in. They also help us understand how forces of opposition can chart a path out of the crisis.”

Is “Fairness” Good Enough?

In theEnemy of the People: The Ghost of the FCC Fairness Doctrine in the Age of Alternative Facts,” Ian Klein makes a strong case for a new Fairness Doctrine. While I agree that it would be useful, it’s hardly a panacea.

What the Fairness Doctrine did was give most Americans a “standard” worldview that wasn’t too different from their neighbors, so “reaching across the aisle,” whether at home or in the halls of Congress, was easier.

Was that a good thing?

The news presented wasn’t impartial; most of the time, it was seriously biased in favor of American Exceptionalism. It was the news that justified the Vietnam War for years. It was the news that ignored much of the suffering in Black, Latino, and Native American communities unless they erupted in violence. It was the news that was pretended American interventions in Latin America and elsewhere were benign efforts to preserve democracy rather than imperialist forays to protect corporate profits.

After Watergate, with the Fairness Doctrine still intact, the news deteriorated. News organizations sought “scoops” and “gotchas” rather than explanation. The tabloid became the model. When social media developed on the internet, this approach transferred smoothly into doxing and the cancel culture.

Until the COVID-19 pandemic revived them, the nightly news programs of the major networks had declined into irrelevance; cable news — usually with a spin, acknowledged or not — is where most people consumed news.

By the way, I disagree with the article’s characterization of MSNBC as progressive. It does have a bias for the Democratic Party, but that’s liberal, not progressive. If you want progressive opinion, you must watch programs like Amy Goodman’s Democracy Now! or Chris Hedges’ On Contact. To illustrate: How many times has Rachel Maddow interviewed Noam Chomsky? Not once that I can find. In 2013, MSNBC did host a chat with Dr. Chomsky, but I can’t find anything else. It’s difficult to consider MSNBC or Rachel Maddow to be on the left if major figures are ignored. It’s even more difficult when a presidential candidate who is a social democrat is disparaged.

Be that as it may, it’s a ludicrous example of “both side-ism” to declare that MSNBC is the liberal version of Fox News. MSNBC has a much stronger relationship with facts than Fox News, and even Rachel Maddow’s obsession with Russia is partially vindicated by Democratic and Republican comments on the Senate’s investigation into the Trump campaign’s efforts to court Russia while fishing for damaging information about Hillary Clinton.

With a couple of exceptions, Americans no longer have a consistent worldview based on the evening news (or newspapers, for that matter). The exceptions include disaster news (including the pandemic) and war news.

All news organizations cover disasters, mostly in the same way, even when something goes terribly wrong (New Orleans and Puerto Rico after hurricanes; the pandemic). Human interest stories of suffering or daring rescues predominate; comparatively little time is spent analyzing the root causes of the suffering, which are buried deep in a biased political system. People suffer and die because the media skims across the surface of disasters.

News organizations also cover American wars, serving as cheerleading propagandists for the government’s talking points. The travesty of news coverage before the invasion of Iraq should never be forgotten, and the Fairness Doctrine would not have prevented it, because during the build-up to the war dissent was considered unpatriotic. Ironically, as the radical historian Howard Zinn has noted, dissent is most needed during wartime. In his words, “Dissent is the highest form of patriotism.”

Reporters “embedded” with U.S. forces largely presented favorable news about the war’s progress, emotional stories about the wounded, and brief, but intense scenes of firefights, which mostly seemed designed to rouse young American men from their couches and into army recruitment offices.

There was very little questioning of the validity of the invasion. Protests and protesters received sparse coverage, and editorials about anti-war sentiments were uniformly negative. Even today, when the disaster of the Iraq invasion is obvious, most press coverage devolves into neutral reporting of events (how can you be neutral about a war crime?) or “support our troops.” George W. Bush, who committed the war crimes, is being rehabilitated by the press — and Democrats!

So, our problem isn’t just the lack of a Fairness Doctrine, although it will help with egregious cases like Fox News and talk radio. The bigger problem is the uncritical attitude of the press toward government in matters of great moment — war, rebellion, and the environment the most important among them.

None of the major American news organizations veers far from the government’s position during times of war abroad or unrest at home. Environmental coverage is plagued by a “both side-ism” that prefers we burn in hell rather than risk criticizing denialists.

Would the Fairness Doctrine force MSNBC, PBS, and other mainstream networks to allow the views of Noam Chomsky, Chris Hedges, Cornell West, or other voices critical of the U.S. government to be heard? It didn’t before the doctrine was revoked. Without Democracy Now! and other alternative media, leftist views wouldn’t receive a hearing.

Edward S. Herman and Noam Chomsky identified the problem, and it has little to do with the Fairness Doctrine. The real problem is “manufactured consent” (see their book, Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media). The range of acceptable political conversation, with or without the Fairness Doctrine, is quite narrow.

Because of the generally conservative instincts of their major advertisers, major media are terrified of criticism from the right. The media aren’t neutral, or even centrist; they adopt the worldview of their advertisers. Rachel Maddow is the extreme limit of conservative tolerance.

Americans are both uninformed and ill-informed because of the bias journalists have toward supporting America’s place in the world and the economic system that underlies it. And because most Americans don’t want to hear anything different. We’ve been so conditioned by our education and culture that we can’t tolerate views that imply serious criticism of the U.S.

On this, conservatives and liberals agree, as they stand with their hands over their hearts while the Star-Spangled Banner blares at NFL football games.

Medgar Evers Assassinated

Today in History

From This Day in History

Civil rights leader Medgar Evers is assassinated, 1963

In the driveway outside his home in Jackson, Mississippi, African American civil rights leader Medgar Eversis shot to death by white supremacist Byron De La Beckwith.

During World War II, Evers volunteered for the U.S. Army and participated in the Normandy invasion. In 1952, he joined the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP).

As a field worker for the NAACP, Evers traveled through his home state encouraging poor African Americans to register to vote and recruiting them into the civil rights movement. He was instrumental in getting witnesses and evidence for the Emmett Till murder case, which brought national attention to the plight of African Americans in the South.

On June 12, 1963, Medgar Evers was killed.

After a funeral in Jackson, he was buried with full military honors at Arlington National Cemetery in Virginia. President John F. Kennedy and many other leaders publicly condemned the killing.

In 1964, the first trial of chief suspect Byron De La Beckwith ended with a deadlock by an all-white jury, sparking numerous protests. When a second all-white jury also failed to reach a decision, De La Beckwith was set free. Three decades later, the state of Mississippi reopened the case under pressure from civil rights leaders and Evers’ family. In February 1994, a racially mixed jury in Jackson found Beckwith guilty of murder. The unrepentant white supremacist, aged 73, was sentenced to life imprisonment. He died in 2001.